Archive for 30 agosto 2019

Meeting Minutes

agosto 30, 2019

Meeting Minutes del 30 agosto

Non puoi mai vivere davvero la vita di qualcun altro, nemmeno di tuo figlio. L’influenza che gli eserciti è attraversato la tua vita, e attraverso ciò che sei diventato nel tempo.

Eleonor Roossevelt

* 1949 A Torino, processo al primo obiettore di coscenza italiano, Pietro Pinna.

* Giornata internazionale dei desaperesidos

* 1797 nasce a Londra  Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin, scrittrice e saggista (I diritti delle donne)

“Non delle nostre speranze dovremo vergognarci un giorno , ma della mancanza di speranza misera e angosciosa che  non ha confidato affatto in Dio, che non si è sostenuta, per falsa umiltà, sulle promesse date a Dio.

Dietrich Bonhoeffer

” Dobbiamo avere il coraggio di abbandonare tutto, ogni norma e appiglio convenzionale, dobbiamo osare il gran salto nel cosmo e allora, allora sí che la vita diventa infinitamente ricca e abbondante, anche nei suoi più profondi dolori ”

Etty Hillesum

Quando mi presentai a Bologna a Pier Cesare Bori gli consegnai il mio biglietto da visita di Legnano MI con questa frase del fondatore del socialismo religioso. Mi disse interessante mentre altri – non cristiani -dissero…ancora?

Per fortuna in Italia come in Grecia il quaccherismo è solo cristiano… strada facendo scoprii poi il “nascosto dai quaccheri stessi oggi” l’ inglese  Emil Fuchs che era stato luterano proprio come me (del socialismo religioso inglese)  e avvennero – nonostante tutto – le nozze coi quaccheri.

Ma non con tutti ben inteso… il mondo è grande ma il mio è piccolo. Assai.

«Cristo è più grande del cristianesimo, ed è diverso dal cristianesimo. Dio può essere là dove la religione non è, e può non essere là dove la religione è. Egli è presente dove è fatta la sua volontà in verità, libertà, umanità e amore, nella giustizia del suo Regno. Dio odia il credo, odia la teologia, odia l’erudizione dei dottori della Legge, odia la pietà, odia il culto dove non è fatta la sua volontà nella giustizia, ma è presente dove è fatta la sua volontà anche se egli non è conosciuto o nominato. Dio si serve dei non credenti per giudicare i credenti, si serve dei pagani per svergognare i cristiani. Non il cristianesimo, ma il Regno, e nel Regno l’uomo.»
(Leonhard Ragaz)

[UK] Is Boris Johnson’s parliamentary prorogation constitutional? How to understand the UK system

agosto 30, 2019

29.08.2019 – Pressenza London

[UK] Is Boris Johnson’s parliamentary prorogation constitutional? How to understand the UK system
(Image by Owen Jones Facebook)

Michael GordonUniversity of Liverpool for The Conversation

Boris Johnson’s decision to prorogue parliament is intensely controversial. It shows a clear disregard for values which are crucial to the operation of the UK’s constitutional system. The process of leaving the EU had already placed the UK’s political institutions in constitutional overload, but that had not yet escalated to a constitutional crisis. Now the country is edging ever closer to a crisis being manufactured by a prime minister determined to engineer a no-deal Brexit on October 31, if a new withdrawal agreement cannot be negotiated with the EU by then.

The UK has a “political constitution” rather than a single written constitutional text. This means the constitutionality of government action can be evaluated in three different ways: compatibility with the law, political convention and constitutional principle.

First, from a legal perspective, the order to prorogue parliament is difficult, if not indeed impossible, to challenge. The legal power held by the Queen to prorogue parliament is a very broad one, and the courts will be reluctant to become involved in adjudicating on a highly political act of this kind. It is difficult to see any legal standards which this decision has violated, especially since the government is presenting the decision to prorogue parliament as a normal preparatory step for the announcement of a new legislative agenda in a Queen’s speech on October 14.

Second, from the perspective of political convention, there was no possibility that the Queen would act as a “constitutional safeguard”, rejecting the prime minister’s request to suspend parliament. As a hereditary monarch, the Queen’s role in the UK constitution is to act as a formal head of state, remaining above party politics, rather than exercising significant discretion herself. By political convention, the Queen acts on the advice of her prime minister, and in this case she has done so in textbook fashion, approving the order without delay. It would be unrealistic to expect that, in a democratic system, an unelected monarch would take on the role of “guardian of democracy” by resisting a recommendation from her government.

End of story?

So if the prorogation of parliament was lawful, and executed by the Queen in accordance with well established political conventions governing her conduct, what are the constitutional grounds for objection?

We can look to a third perspective, based on constitutional principles. The UK’s political constitution is constructed around the relationship between parliament and government.

The House of Commons is the elected element of the UK’s central institutions, and it is from there that the government draws its authority, by obtaining and sustaining the confidence of the Commons. To retain this confidence, and to remain in office, the government is accountable to parliament. It is subject to scrutiny by MPs and peers. These constitutional principles are central to the operation of the UK’s democratic system.

When the government does not have the support of the House of Commons for a policy it intends to deliver, the response should be to change that policy, persuade parliament to back it, or for the government to fall.

The House of Commons does not support leaving the EU without a deal on October 31. But rather than engaging with parliament, the prime minister has had it prorogued.

It’s problematic enough to shut down parliamentary scrutiny for multiple weeks just as the government is trying to negotiate a Brexit deal – one of the most disputed political issues of the current era. But it is even more objectionable when the prorogation also considerably reduces the time available for parliamentarians to organise against a no-deal scenario. With such a truncated timetable, they are limited in their ability to produce legislation to delay it or organise a vote of no confidence in the government.

In these circumstances, the prorogation of parliament shows a clear disregard for substantive constitutional values. It limits the possibilities for a majority in parliament to challenge the government’s agenda. It sidelines parliament at a moment when political decisions of immense importance will be made. And it challenges the core democratic constitutional idea that the government is accountable to parliament.

The government may have developed a pretext to justify the prorogation of parliament. It has most likely followed a course of action which is lawful. But in doing so, it shows disdain for the core idea of democracy on which the UK constitution is based.The Conversation

Michael Gordon, Professor of Constitutional Law, University of Liverpool

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


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